Ireland, one of the fifteen member states of the European Union took over the rotating Presidency on January 1st 2004 from Italy. The fact that Ireland was handed a constitutional mess by the outgoing Presidency of Italy is to understate the implications of the task at hand for the Irish. Italy’s tenure end was marked by the failure to ratify the EU Constitution. An understanding of the issues and tasks at hand would better clarify the uphill task that the Irish are faced with.
The European Union for all practical and theoretical purposes first became a reality with the signing of the Treaty of Paris of 1951. The signatories included the nations of erstwhile West Germany, France, Luxembourg, Belgium, Holland and Italy who came together to form the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). With two subsequent treaties being signed by 1957 the ties between these nations grew stronger. Nine other European nations including Denmark, Britain, Ireland, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Finland and Sweden have since joined the ‘Community’ thereby transforming it into a ‘Union’.
The growing ties between these nations have been fostered at various economic and political levels. The Euro remains the single most pertinent example of an ambitious European future that is being envisaged. But of late various issues have slowed down the progress rate of the EU. The level of knowledge and enthusiasm amongst the people of the Union’s member states is partly to blame for the compulsions it poses for their respective governments. And then there remains the general skepticism over the economic implications that may arise from the induction of ten, mostly former Soviet bloc countries, as members. The EU's population is projected to grow by 20 percent to 450 million people. But within this growth of voices and opinions that span the continent lies a problem. It has become increasingly difficult for EU policy planners to find a common footing that would suit the requirements, wishes and aims of one and all member states.
And the problems do not end domestically for the members. Within the European Union per se, legal and back door wrangling has been taking place as regards the political mileage each nation state maybe able to derive. The most discerning example of this can be seen as the recent failure to ratify the EU Constitution in December 2003 which would have streamlined decision making processes and foreign policy issues before the induction of the ten new states. The Constitution was primarily not ratified as it would have reduced the voting powers of Spain and Poland from the current 27 – a number disproportionate to their populations and unacceptable to France and Germany. Then there remain other lesser voiced issues such as concerns over the roles of an EU President and Foreign Minister; powers of a European Parliament and the mention of Christianity in the Constitution. The list remains long and exhaustive. All in all there remain about a hundred issues that still need to be resolved.
The Irish are thus faced with an unenviable task of sorting out this constitutional mess through coaxing and persuading the members to come to a mutually accepted solution on a number of issues. Reports seem to suggest that the Irish Premier, Mr. Bertie Ahern would revive the constitutional debate during Ireland’s tenure. He has already warned of a "dangerous" vacuum if no deal is reached soon. While this will be Ireland's sixth turn at the EU presidency and its theme optimistically proclaims "Europeans working together" things do not appear equally rosy. It seems improbable that the constitutional concerns can be sorted out under Ireland’s presidency. But at the same time the economic implications of the EU would override, in the long term any domestic compulsions. Within all this debate there remains the unstated worry of trying to match EU’s economic clout with a political entity.
The European Union for all practical and theoretical purposes first became a reality with the signing of the Treaty of Paris of 1951. The signatories included the nations of erstwhile West Germany, France, Luxembourg, Belgium, Holland and Italy who came together to form the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). With two subsequent treaties being signed by 1957 the ties between these nations grew stronger. Nine other European nations including Denmark, Britain, Ireland, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Finland and Sweden have since joined the ‘Community’ thereby transforming it into a ‘Union’.
The growing ties between these nations have been fostered at various economic and political levels. The Euro remains the single most pertinent example of an ambitious European future that is being envisaged. But of late various issues have slowed down the progress rate of the EU. The level of knowledge and enthusiasm amongst the people of the Union’s member states is partly to blame for the compulsions it poses for their respective governments. And then there remains the general skepticism over the economic implications that may arise from the induction of ten, mostly former Soviet bloc countries, as members. The EU's population is projected to grow by 20 percent to 450 million people. But within this growth of voices and opinions that span the continent lies a problem. It has become increasingly difficult for EU policy planners to find a common footing that would suit the requirements, wishes and aims of one and all member states.
And the problems do not end domestically for the members. Within the European Union per se, legal and back door wrangling has been taking place as regards the political mileage each nation state maybe able to derive. The most discerning example of this can be seen as the recent failure to ratify the EU Constitution in December 2003 which would have streamlined decision making processes and foreign policy issues before the induction of the ten new states. The Constitution was primarily not ratified as it would have reduced the voting powers of Spain and Poland from the current 27 – a number disproportionate to their populations and unacceptable to France and Germany. Then there remain other lesser voiced issues such as concerns over the roles of an EU President and Foreign Minister; powers of a European Parliament and the mention of Christianity in the Constitution. The list remains long and exhaustive. All in all there remain about a hundred issues that still need to be resolved.
The Irish are thus faced with an unenviable task of sorting out this constitutional mess through coaxing and persuading the members to come to a mutually accepted solution on a number of issues. Reports seem to suggest that the Irish Premier, Mr. Bertie Ahern would revive the constitutional debate during Ireland’s tenure. He has already warned of a "dangerous" vacuum if no deal is reached soon. While this will be Ireland's sixth turn at the EU presidency and its theme optimistically proclaims "Europeans working together" things do not appear equally rosy. It seems improbable that the constitutional concerns can be sorted out under Ireland’s presidency. But at the same time the economic implications of the EU would override, in the long term any domestic compulsions. Within all this debate there remains the unstated worry of trying to match EU’s economic clout with a political entity.
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